CSN - LightWing Messages - Sunday - 2/12/2023
Jesus and Beelzebul
Then they brought him a demon-possessed man who was blind and mute, and Jesus healed him, so that he could both talk and see. All the people were astonished and said, “Could this be the Son of David?”
But when the Pharisees heard this, they said, “It is only by Beelzebul, the prince of demons, that this fellow drives out demons.”
Jesus knew their thoughts and said to them, “Every kingdom divided against itself will be ruined, and every city or household divided against itself will not stand. If Satan drives out Satan, he is divided against himself. How then can his kingdom stand?
And if I drive out demons by Beelzebul, by whom do your people drive them out? So then, they will be your judges. But if it is by the Spirit of God that I drive out demons, then the kingdom of God has come upon you.
“Or again, how can anyone enter a strong man’s house and carry off his possessions unless he first ties up the strong man? Then he can plunder his house.
“Whoever is not with me is against me, and whoever does not gather with me scatters. And so I tell you, every kind of sin and slander can be forgiven, but blasphemy against the Spirit will not be forgiven. Anyone who speaks a word against the Son of Man will be forgiven, but anyone who speaks against the Holy Spirit will not be forgiven, either in this age or in the age to come. Matthew 12:22-32 (NIV)
As a change up from my personal conversion testimony last week, we offer two messages today in honor of Abraham Lincoln because this Sunday is his birthday. Despite the possibility of more focus being given to the Super Bowl today, we are hoping that the messages centering around Mr. Lincoln may provide relevant considerations along with the more popular national sport.
The initial message today is one that I wrote way back in 2013 in honor of Abraham Lincoln’s birthday in that year as I sensed that people were forgetting about Lincoln and maligning him was becoming ever more prevalent. And, though there has been much written about Lincoln over the years, I am offering my five cents as observations and reflections from reading, from videos and movies, but also from earnest prayer regarding his historical contribution and his personal sacrifice to the preservation of the Union.
The second message is from Mr. Abraham Lincoln, himself. He certainly does no harm to his own image in offering his own words. Unfortunately, over the past few years, many detractors of the true Abrham Lincoln have tried to reinterpret his words for their own political purposes. Such efforts often reveal more about the interpreter than the reality of who Lincoln truly was as a man and as a president. The trouble arises from using source material for their writings that is usually dependent upon secondary sources, or sources who have no primary sources but those secular -revisionists who fail to detect Lincoln’s faith. He was a man of faith – a politician with faith. What a concept to contemplate in such a time as this.
As always, we hope our readers would consider all the messages in this edition as having some relevance or as meaningful, and if readers know others who might value the messages as well, we pray they would consider becoming LightWing messengers and they could please pass this newsletter on to those whom you feel would welcome it. Or simply, please receive it yourselves.
We also acknowledge that our LightWing Messages are now have a history via our Zoom calls. Our Zoom discussions are held each Wednesday evening. We leave it up to our readers; if you would like to discuss today’s messages more fully and learn more about Abraham Lincoln and his faith, please take the initiative and reach out. If readers are interested in receiving the Zoom link to the call, please send a brief email request to this address: d.jamzon@gmail.com
These words are being freely offered to you and are intended to shine light unto our paths, as it was written: “Where there is no vision, the people perish: but he that keepeth the law, happy is he.” Proverbs 29:18 - KJV
May God bless all of our readers and all of their loved ones. May God bless America!
May we humbly seek to know God’s Will, which means to seek His face, and to take the responsibility for what we realize as we discover His Will for us, for our families, and the nation. May we humbly repent for our lack of responsibility for obedience to His Will, for our lack of wisdom to discern right from wrong, or for our failure in seeking His Kingdom and His righteousness before we seek revenge or pursue a divided, segregated Kingdom.
Abraham Lincoln and early strides toward greatness
By Dennis Jamison February 12, 2013
Today is the day the American people traditionally celebrated or honored Abraham Lincoln’s birthday prior to the 1971 legislation that created a “one day fits all” President’s Day. Sadly since then, the memory of Lincoln’s greatness seems to have gradually diminished in the minds of the American public, as remembering Abraham Lincoln is primarily limited to the efforts of study regarding his presidency in U.S. history classrooms (unless one counts the recent movie portraying Lincoln as a vampire slayer).
The reality concerning Abraham Lincoln is that he did not just appear on the scene one day robed in greatness, as Carl Sandburg likened him to a character out of a Russian fairy tale. Many Americans are completely aware that he was born in a shabby log cabin in the backwoods of Kentucky on February 12th in 1809. Yet many today, as they peer back into the shadows of history, may consider it quaint, but this man who grew to become president was born essentially into poverty. Such humble roots and Mr. Lincoln’s life experiences shaped his choices, and helped him in struggling with such adversity during his life to become a decent man and a great president.
In actuality, although the fabled memories of Lincoln’s birth and early start in life are somewhat important today, they were of little importance until the man seriously considered the prospects of a career in politics on the national level. Understandably, Lincoln was not proud of his roots and most of his early life experience, and was certainly not proud of his impoverished education. When requested to provide a brief account of his early years, he did write a “little sketch” as it was described and sent it to Jesse W. Fell on December 20, 1859. Lincoln wrote a brief introduction to the sketch and stated: “There is not much of it, for the reason, I suppose, that there is not much of me…”
This autobiographical sketch was combined with other facts related to Mr. Lincoln’s legislative and political accomplishments and forwarded by Fell to Joseph H. Lewis who used the material to prepare a more extensive memoir, which was provided to many newspapers of the day, and which essentially helped supportive delegates prepare for Lincoln’s nomination at the Republican Convention in Chicago the following June. Lincoln’s “little sketch” was one of the most extensive accounts he committed to paper regarding the events of his own life. And, the first paragraph dealt more with his Lincoln family heritage.
Lincoln once commented that, “It is a great piece of folly to attempt to make anything out of my early life. It can all be condensed into a simple sentence, and that sentence you will find in Gray’s Elegy – ‘the short and simple annals of the poor.’ That’s my life, and that’s all you or anyone else can make out of it.” Other than such brief references, Lincoln did not like to talk much about his early life experiences due to such dismal circumstances. The remarkable part of his story is that the boy eventually grew to manhood, and along the way made up for such limitations and deficiencies as best as he could.
What Lincoln lacked in formal education, he attempted to compensate for his lack of opportunities in his efforts devoted to personal study and in reading whatever material he could borrow or secure in one way or another. It is well known that he was an avid and voracious reader, and he would walk miles just to borrow a book. He once stated, “The things I want to know are in books. My best friend is the man who’ll give me a book I haven’t read.”
Despite the serious efforts to overcome his essential lack of capabilities or resources, Lincoln was not proud of his early beginnings and did not seek to glorify them like so many biographers since his time. He was not inclined to speak much of those times unless it was to contrast his humble roots with those wanna-be aristocrats who sought to portray themselves as someone they were not. He seriously took issue with such individuals later as he became involved in the political realm of his day. Eventually, his anger toward the Democrat Party fueled in him a desire to enter the political arena and become a member of the Whig Party.
Part of Lincoln’s early years included many migrations. The first from Kentucky to Indiana, was not just Thomas Lincoln’s effort to find better land, it was fleeing from a state that was increasingly dominated by the landed gentry and large plantation owners of the south who could easily drive out small dirt farmers like Thomas Lincoln with their greatest competitive advantage of slave labor. Indiana was a free state and the federal government offered cheap land to homesteaders. In order to help his family survive, Thomas Lincoln moved his family to Indiana, which left an impact on young Abraham Lincoln.
The Democrat Party of Lincoln’s Day also portrayed itself as the party of the common man, and Democrat politicians made serious efforts to paint the Whigs as the party of the wealthy class. However, Lincoln detested this mirage. He viewed a Democrat Party in his day as led by a southern plantation elite that had developed a convenient aristocracy within the Land of the Free. A Whig ally and associate of Lincoln, Joseph Gillespie, expressed that while Lincoln detested aristocracy in all its forms, nothing incensed him more than the claim that the Whigs were the party of the rich.
There is a story about Lincoln as told by Professor Allen Guelzo of Gettysburg College that expresses a very Lincoln-like manner when in 1840, Lincoln while campaigning for the Whig presidential candidate, William Henry Harrison, he was debating against Democrat Colonel Dick Taylor, and took offense when Taylor slammed the Whigs as aristocrats. According to Guelzo, Lincoln quipped that while Taylor had his stores over the county, and was riding in a fine carriage, wore his kid gloves, holding his gold-headed cane, he (Lincoln) was a poor boy, hired on a flat boat at eight dollars a month, and had only one pair of breeches. Lincoln concluded that if you call that aristocracy, he would plead guilty to the charge.
Lincoln provided an image of himself at this point which was true, but had the effect of exposing a larger truth, and had a way of disarming opponents with wit and class. Obviously, his counter-argument during the exchange with Taylor disarmed the crowd in attendance, and both the Whig and Democrat attendees broke out in uproarious laughter. They easily got the essential, yet common sense, point. In such circumstances Lincoln was not opposed to make a joke or a point at his own expense. He did use his humble beginnings as a strong case for anyone with ambition and drive to accomplish great things.
Eventually, as Lincoln grew and developed into a political animal, he gravitated toward the Whig Party, and then when it split over the issue of slavery, he helped form the Republican Party. But he was attracted to the Whigs because they were the party opposing southern aristocrats who tended to control the affairs of government, even at the national level, for their own benefit and for the benefit of Party and their entrenched aristocracy and iron hold upon the institution of slavery. Lincoln ultimately changed that paradigm in his time, but he paid for it with his life – which turned out to be a remarkable life.
Message to Congress
By ABRAHAM LINCOLN
July 4, 1861
Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:
Having been convened on an extraordinary occasion, as authorized by the Constitution, your attention is not called to any ordinary subject of legislation.
At the beginning of the present Presidential term, four months ago, the functions of the Federal Government were found to be generally suspended within the several States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Florida, excepting only those of the Post Office Department.
Within these States, all the Forts, Arsenals, Dock-yards, Customhouses, and the like, including the movable and stationary property in, and about them, had been seized, and were held in open hostility to this Government, excepting only Forts Pickens, Taylor, and Jefferson, on, and near the Florida coast, and Fort Sumter, in Charleston harbor, South Carolina. The Forts thus seized had been put in improved condition; new ones had been built; and armed forces had been organized, and were organizing, all avowedly with the same hostile purpose.
The Forts remaining in the possession of the Federal government, in, and near, these States, were either besieged or menaced by warlike preparations; and especially Fort Sumter was nearly surrounded by well-protected hostile batteries, with guns equal in quality to the best of its own, and outnumbering the latter as perhaps ten to one. A disproportionate share, of the Federal muskets and rifles, had somehow found their way into these States, and had been seized, to be used against the government. Accumulations of the public revenue, lying within them, had been seized for the same object. The Navy was scattered in distant seas; leaving but a very small part of it within the immediate reach of the government.
Officers of the Federal Army and Navy, had resigned in great numbers; and, of those resigning, a large proportion had taken up arms against the government. Simultaneously, and in connection with all this, the purpose to sever the Federal Union, was openly avowed. In accordance with this purpose, an ordinance had been adopted in each of these States, declaring the States, respectively, to be separated from the National Union. A formula for instituting a combined government of these states had been promulgated; and this illegal organization, in the character of confederate States was already invoking recognition, aid, and intervention, from Foreign Powers.
Finding this condition of things, and believing it to be an imperative duty upon the incoming Executive, to prevent, if possible, the consummation of such attempt to destroy the Federal Union, a choice of means to that end became indispensable. This choice was made; and was declared in the Inaugural address. The policy chosen looked to the exhaustion of all peaceful measures, before a resort to any stronger ones. It sought only to hold the public places and property, not already wrested from the Government, and to collect the revenue; relying for the rest, on time, discussion, and the ballot-box. It promised a continuance of the mails, at government expense, to the very people who were resisting the government; and it gave repeated pledges against any disturbance to any of the people, or any of their rights. Of all that which a president might constitutionally, and justifiably, do in such a case, everything was foreborne, without which, it was believed possible to keep the government on foot….
…And this issue embraces more than the fate of these United States. It presents to the whole family of man, the question, whether a constitutional republic, or a democracy—a government of the people, by the same people—can, or cannot, maintain its territorial integrity, against its own domestic foes. It presents the question, whether discontented individuals, too few in numbers to control administration, according to organic law, in any case, can always, upon the pretences made in this case, or on any other pretences, or arbitrarily, without any pretence, break up their Government, and thus practically put an end to free government upon the earth. It forces us to ask: “Is there, in all republics, this inherent, and fatal weakness?” “Must a government, of necessity, be too strong for the liberties of its own people, or too weak to maintain its own existence?”
So viewing the issue, no choice was left but to call out the war power of the Government; and so to resist force, employed for its destruction, by force, for its preservation….Soon after the first call for militia, it was considered a duty to authorize the Commanding General, in proper cases, according to his discretion, to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus; or, in other words, to arrest, and detain, without resort to the ordinary processes and forms of law, such individuals as he might deem dangerous to the public safety. This authority has purposely been exercised but very sparingly. Nevertheless, the legality and propriety of what has been done under it, are questioned; and the attention of the country has been called to the proposition that one who is sworn to “take care that the laws be faithfully executed,” should not himself violate them. Of course some consideration was given to the questions of power, and propriety, before this matter was acted upon. The whole of the laws which were required to be faithfully executed, were being resisted, and failing of execution, in nearly one-third of the States. Must they be allowed to finally fail of execution, even had it been perfectly clear, that by the use of the means necessary to their execution, some single law, made in such extreme tenderness of the citizen’s liberty, that practically, it relieves more of the guilty, than of the innocent, should, to a very limited extent, be violated?
To state the question more directly, are all the laws, but one, to go unexecuted, and the government itself go to pieces, lest that one be violated? Even in such a case, would not the official oath be broken, if the government should be overthrown, when it was believed that disregarding the single law, would tend to preserve it? But it was not believed that this question was presented. It was not believed that any law was violated. The provision of the Constitution that “The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, shall not be suspended unless when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it,” is equivalent to a provision—is a provision—that such privilege may be suspended when, in cases of rebellion, or invasion, the public safety does require it. It was decided that we have a case of rebellion, and that the public safety does require the qualified suspension of the privilege of the writ which was authorized to be made. Now it is insisted that Congress, and not the Executive, is vested with this power.
But the Constitution itself, is silent as to which, or who, is to exercise the power; and as the provision was plainly made for a dangerous emergency, it cannot be believed the framers of the instrument intended, that in every case, the danger should run its course, until Congress could be called together; the very assembling of which might be prevented, as was intended in this case, by the rebellion.
No more extended argument is now offered; as an opinion, at some length, will probably be presented by the Attorney General. Whether there shall be any legislation upon the subject, and if any, what, is submitted entirely to the better judgment of Congress….
…It might seem, at first thought, to be of little difference whether the present movement at the South be called “secession” or “rebellion.” The movers, however, well understand the difference. At the beginning, they knew they could never raise their treason to any respectable magnitude, by any name which implies violation of law. They knew their people possessed as much of moral sense, as much of devotion to law and order, and as much pride in, and reverence for, the history, and government, of their common country, as any other civilized, and patriotic people. They knew they could make no advancement directly in the teeth of these strong and noble sentiments. Accordingly they commenced by an insidious debauching of the public mind. They invented an ingenious sophism, which, if conceded, was followed by perfectly logical steps, through all the incidents, to the complete destruction of the Union. The sophism itself is, that any state of the Union may, consistently with the national Constitution, and therefore lawfully, and peacefully, withdraw from the Union, without the consent of the Union, or of any other state. The little disguise that the supposed right is to be exercised only for just cause, themselves to be the sole judge of its justice, is too thin to merit any notice.
With rebellion thus sugar-coated, they have been drugging the public mind of their section for more than thirty years; and, until at length, they have brought many good men to a willingness to take up arms against the government the day after some assemblage of men have enacted the farcical pretence of taking their State out of the Union, who could have been brought to no such thing the day before….
…It may be affirmed, without extravagance, that the free institutions we enjoy, have developed the powers, and improved the condition, of our whole people, beyond any example in the world. Of this we now have a striking, and an impressive illustration. So large an army as the government has now on foot, was never before known, without a soldier in it, but who had taken his place there, of his own free choice. But more than this: there are many single Regiments whose members, one and another, possess full practical knowledge of all the arts, sciences, professions, and whatever else, whether useful or elegant, is known in the world; and there is scarcely one, from which there could not be selected, a President, a Cabinet, a Congress, and perhaps a Court, abundantly competent to administer the government itself. Nor do I say this is not true, also, in the army of our late friends, now adversaries, in this contest; but if it is, so much better the reason why the government, which has conferred such benefits on both them and us, should not be broken up. Whoever, in any section, proposes to abandon such a government, would do well to consider, in deference to what principle it is, that he does it—what better he is likely to get in its stead—whether the substitute will give, or be intended to give, so much of good to the people. There are some foreshadowings on this subject. Our adversaries have adopted some Declarations of Independence; in which, unlike the good old one, penned by Jefferson, they omit the words “all men are created equal.” Why? They have adopted a temporary national constitution, in the preamble of which, unlike our good old one, signed by Washington, they omit “We, the People,” and substitute “We, the deputies of the sovereign and independent States.” Why? Why this deliberate pressing out of view, the rights of men, and the authority of the people?
This is essentially a People’s contest. On the side of the Union, it is a struggle for maintaining in the world, that form, and substance of government, whose leading object is, to elevate the condition of men—to lift artificial weights from all shoulders—to clear the paths of laudable pursuit for all—to afford all, an unfettered start, and a fair chance, in the race of life. Yielding to partial, and temporary departures, from necessity, this is the leading object of the government for whose existence we contend.
I am most happy to believe that the plain people understand, and appreciate this. It is worthy of note, that while in this, the government’s hour of trial, large numbers of those in the Army and Navy, who have been favored with the offices, have resigned, and proved false to the hand which had pampered them, not one common soldier, or common sailor is known to have deserted his flag.
Great honor is due to those officers who remain true, despite the example of their treacherous associates; but the greatest honor, and most important fact of all, is the unanimous firmness of the common soldiers, and common sailors. To the last man, so far as known, ]they have successfully resisted the traitorous efforts of those, whose commands, but an hour before, they obeyed as absolute law. This is the patriotic instinct of the plain people. They understand, without an argument, that destroying the government, which was made by Washington, means no good to them.
Our popular government has often been called an experiment. Two points in it, our people have already settled—the successful establishing, and the successful administering of it. One still remains—its successful maintenanceagainst a formidable [internal] attempt to overthrow it. It is now for them to demonstrate to the world, that those who can fairly carry an election, can also suppress a rebellion—that ballots are the rightful, and peaceful, successors of bullets; and that when ballots have fairly, and constitutionally, decided, there can be no successful appeal, back to bullets; that there can be no successful appeal, except to ballots themselves, at succeeding elections. Such will be a great lesson of peace; teaching men that what they cannot take by an election, neither can they take it by a war—teaching all, the folly of being the beginners of a war.
Lest there be some uneasiness in the minds of candid men, as to what is to be the course of the government, towards the Southern States, after the rebellion shall have been suppressed, the Executive deems it proper to say, it will be his purpose then, as ever, to be guided by the Constitution, and the laws; and that he probably will have no different understanding of the powers, and duties of the Federal government, relatively to the rights of the States, and the people, under the Constitution, than that expressed in the inaugural address.
He desires to preserve the government, that it may be administered for all, as it was administered by the men who made it. Loyal citizens everywhere, have the right to claim this of their government; and the government has no right to withhold, or neglect it. It is not perceived that, in giving it, there is any coercion, any conquest, or any subjugation, in any just sense of those terms.
The Constitution provides, and all the States have accepted the provision, that “The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a republican form of government.” But, if a State may lawfully go out of the Union, having done so, it may also discard the republican form of government; so that to prevent its going out, is an indispensable means, to the end, of maintaining the guaranty mentioned; and when an end is lawful and obligatory, the indispensable means to it, are also lawful, and obligatory.
It was with the deepest regret that the Executive found the duty of employing the war-power, in defence of the government, forced upon him. He could but perform this duty, or surrender the existence of the government. No compromise, by public servants, could, in this case, be a cure; not that compromises are not often proper, but that no popular government can long survive a marked precedent, that those who carry an election, can only save the government from immediate destruction, by giving up the main point, upon which the people gave the election. The people themselves, and not their servants, can safely reverse their own deliberate decisions. As a private citizen, the Executive could not have consented that these institutions shall perish; much less could he, in betrayal of so vast, and so sacred a trust, as these free people had confided to him. He felt that he had no moral right to shrink; nor even to count the chances of his own life, in what might follow. In full view of his great responsibility, he has, so far, done what he has deemed his duty. You will now, according to your own judgment, perform yours. He sincerely hopes that your views, and your action, may so accord with his, as to assure all faithful citizens, who have been disturbed in their rights, of a certain, and speedy restoration to them, under the Constitution, and the laws.
And having thus chosen our course, without guile, and with pure purpose, let us renew our trust in God, and go forward without fear, and with manly hearts.
Onward and Upward!
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Excellent Election Education Resource: US 2020 Election Fraud at a Glance
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Excellent Expose’ of Political Prisoners within the US: American Gulag
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https://ed-exit.com/
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Excellent Guide to Protecting Families: A Guide to Protecting Your Family From the Coming Insurrection and Violence 1 ARE YOU SAFE?